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BBC News, Washington DC
It is expected that the Supreme Court will decide one of the next cases in the US history on Friday – whether one federal judge will block the US president’s order from entering into force across the country.
The case is related to President Donald Trump’s application to stop citizenship, which was frozen by several lower courts.
The Supreme Court most likely does not recognize the constitutionality of the citizenship itself. Instead, it will focus on the use of federal judges nationwide bans that lagged behind the key aspects of Trump.
The Trump administration claimed that the judges exceeded their power, but others say the prohibitions were needed to avoid “chaos”.
On his first day ago, Trump signed an executive order aimed at stopping the rights to automatic citizenship for virtually born in the United States – usually known as a “birth nationality”.
The move instantly took place in a number of court lawsuits that ended with judges in the district courts in Maryland, Massachusetts and Washington, which issue nationwide bans that blocked the entry into force.
In Washington, US District Court Judge John Cavenur called Trump executive “brazenly unconstitutional”.
The Trump Ministry of Justice replied, saying that the case did not guarantee an “extraordinary measure” of a temporary restrained order and appealed to the Supreme Court.
Official bans served as a check on Trump during his second term amid the executive orders signed by the president.
Approximately 40 different court prohibitions were filed this year. These include the two lower courts, which blocked the Trump administration from the ban on most transgenders from the military, although the Supreme Court eventually intervened and allowed to pursue a policy.
Thus, the case, which is considered in the Supreme Court of the country, is not to directly citizenship directly – but whether the lower courts should have the powers to block nationwide presidential orders with prohibitions.
The question of nationwide bans has long been worried about the judges of the Supreme Court in the ideological spectrum.
Conservative and liberal judges claim that a judge in one area should not unilaterally determine politics across the country.
Liberal Justice Elena Kagan said in the statement in 2022 could not be correct that one district judge could stop the national policy in her tracks and leave it stopped over the years required to go through the usual process. “
Similarly, Conservative justice Clarence Thomas once wrote that “universal prohibitions are legally and historically questionable.”
Calls are also criticized that they are known as shopping on the forum – the practice of submitting a jurisdiction, which is likely to be a more favorable resolution.
Another criticism of the prohibition is the speed at which they are delivered compared to their far impact.
The Trump administration is arguing about the citizenship, which was born in the fact that the lower judges had no right to put long legal obstacles before Trump’s agenda.
Without nationwide prohibitions, supporters of this measure say that the executive power may be left unattended and leaves the burden of protection against potentially harmful laws for persons who need to file individual lawsuits.
Often the prohibitions are the only legal mechanism that prevents Trump’s executive orders from immediate legal effect. Such orders are noticeable contrast to the laws that are taken through a congress that takes longer and exposes them to additional control.
Ketandi Brown’s liberal justice said the Trump administration’s argument stands for the justice system “catch me if you can.”
“Your argument says,” We can continue to do it as long as anyone who is potentially harm will not come up with how to file a lawyer, etc. “,” Jackson said.
“I do not understand how this is remotely consistent with the pre -emptive law,” she said.
The second argument for the prohibitions is that it allows the consistency of the application of federal laws.
The lawyers claiming the Trump administration stated that in the event of a nationality, there would be “chaos” in the absence of a nationwide ban, creating a catchy system of citizenship.
The first sentence of the 14th amendment to the US Constitution establishes the principle of nationality.
“All persons born or naturalized in the US, and their jurisdictions are citizens of the United States and the states in which they reside.”
However, the arguments of the Trump administration relies on point 14, which states, “” subject to this jurisdiction.
Most of the legal scientists say President Trump cannot complete the citizenship of the right to birth.
On May 15, the court, justice Kagan, noted that the administration lost on citizenship in every lower court and asked: “Why do you do this case for us?”
In nationwide bans, judges can say that the prohibitions can only apply to the people who sued, including in the class, as the government’s lawyers appeared.
Judges can also say that the prohibitions can only be applied in the states in which cases are issued or that the prohibitions can only be issued on constitutional issues (such as birth citizenship).
Constitutional issues, however, concern the majority of cases with nationwide bans that Trump administration is attractive.
If the court governs, the prohibitions should be abolished, the Trump administration may refuse the right to birth to the children of unregistered immigrants as long as the court cases are ongoing.
If the prohibitions are contained, some court cases that dispute the citizenship order are likely to go into the Supreme Court.
The High Court may decide on the constitutionality of citizenship, which carried out primordial law, but the judges noted that they prefer a separate, complete hearing on the issue.
They could also testify or hints in their written opinion on which the path they rely on the issue of citizenship without managing it directly on it.