US moves away from the Allies when it squeezes on the Israeli Gaza Plan

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s declaration that Israel intends to take control of all the gas sector signals that flies before some persistent international warnings.

But this, at least, so far, the US government has met with a focal and collective shrug.

On Tuesday, President Donald Trump said it was “largely to Israel” whether gas should be completely occupied. And the next day, when asked if he gives Israel “green light”, he instead spoke about the impact on Iran earlier this year.

Washington’s ambassador to Israel Mike Hakabi was even more straightforward – and his answer was that the gas plan did not raise the concern of America.

“This is not our task to tell them what they should or should not do,” he said. “Of course, when they ask for wisdom, lawyer, advice, I am sure that the president offers this. But in the end, this decision that Israelis and only Israelis can make.”

Netanyahu encountered some opposition to his plan – especially from the Chief of Staff General Eyala Zami, who, according to Israeli media, argued with a full -scale activity.

In case of the report after the meeting of the Israeli Security Cabinet, it is said that Israel will take control of the entire area of gas, but rather that “prepared to take control of the city of Gaza”.

However, it was mentioned that one of the five principles of ending the war was “Israeli security control in the Gaza Strip”.

Some of them suggested that the complete absorption of the gas was always on the table.

“Netanyahu always planned to take over gas.

Netanyahu suggested that Israel did not want to keep the territory, but “to convey it to the Arab forces” – without indicating which one.

Regardless of the plan, however, the Trump administration gives no public signs that it is mistaken.

This is a marked change in the White House policy. Previously, Trump was more than ready to outline his views on the future of Gaza – even if he was surprised by Netanyahu and Israelis.

In February, in just a few weeks of his second presidential term, he said the US could be deeply involved in the reconstruction of Gaza as a world resort and suggested that the Palestinians may have to move outside the territory.

And while the US has joined Israel in the attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities in a short clash between the two countries in June, Trump publicly and strongly pressed on Israel to perform the ceasefire that ended with this conflict.

The Americans also expressed their misfortune by Israeli attacks on Syria last month – publicly not approving, offering even more sharp criticism in private.

“Bibi acted as crazy,” the White House official said at News Axios. “He bombed all the time.”

The White House was also invested in the ceasefire in Gaza, even pressing Netanyahu for ceasefire before Trump took over in January.

Steve Vitkoff, a real estate tycoon with a wide diplomatic portfolio in the White House of Trump, became a man for these negotiations, trying to abandon the constant ceasefire along with the release of other hostages taken by Hamas on October 7, 2023.

Recently, as a month ago, the White House was optimistic that the deal was within reach.

“We hope that by the end of this week we will have an agreement that will lead us to a 60-day ceasefire,” Vitkoff said on July 8, adding that it could lead to “lasting peace to the newspaper”.

But a little over two weeks of talk about ceasefire collapsed, and Vitkoff was publicly accusing Hamas of being selfish and did not act in good faith.

“Hamas didn’t really want to make a deal,” Trump said on July 25. “I think they want to die and it’s very, very bad.”

Trump’s comments – and his decision to refuse to negotiate with Hamas and remain ambiguous about what a new new Israeli military operation could present – it could be a record aimed at making the Palestinian group make new concessions at the negotiating table.

If so, it will be obvious enough enough.

“The Trump administration has received a lot of leverage,” said Professor Saikal from the Australian National University. “I think Netanyahu will not take this step if he did not have any consent or silent support from Washington.”

This American change, of course, from the public dissatisfaction with the obvious distance, can also be part of the president’s efforts to return to his Non -Imeritic worldview – the position he temporarily abandoned the Iranian strikes, to the embarrassment of the parts of his political base.

“An increasing concern that this is contrary to the first politics in America, becoming deeper and deeper in this horrible war, is not what the president has spent as a president,” said Frank Lownstein, a special message on Israeli-Palestinian negotiations during the Barack Obama administration.

“But so far, I think Trump will allow Netanyahu to do everything he wants.”

If so, Trump’s position is in sharp contrast to the latest statements by France, the UK and Canada in recognition of the Palestinian state. These steps have been designed to lead to additional pressure on Israel to twist their hostilities and reach a negotiation with Hamas.

It is diplomatic recognition, as well as American indifference to the perspective of a long and perhaps uncertain – Israeli military occupation, accepting the United States and its allies in different directions.

But both are silent recognition that the current situation is impossible, and that the peace that talks is further than if -no.

It is impossible to say with Trump how long this trend will last. But as long as Trump change the course again, Israel can be well along the way to gas, which will be very difficult to change.

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