The US president who became a friend of China

On a clear January morning in 1979, then-US President Jimmy Carter welcomed a historic guest to Washington: Deng Xiaoping, the man who unlocked China’s economy.

The first leader of Communist China to visit the United States, Deng arrived the night before to be snowed in and meet the US vice president, secretary of state and their spouses.

It was the beginning of a diplomatic relationship that would change the world forever, setting the stage for China’s economic rise – and later, its rivalry with the US.

Establishing formal ties with China was one of Carter’s most remarkable legacies during a tumultuous one-term presidency.

Born on Oct. 1, the founding day of the People’s Republic of China, “he liked to say that he and China were destined,” said Yawei Liu, a close friend of Carter’s.

Even after leaving office, he diligently cultivated a close relationship with the Chinese people, but this was affected by the cooling of ties between Washington and Beijing.

Still, he remains one of a small group of American statesmen revered by Beijing for helping bring communist China out of isolation in the 1970s.

Beijing expressed sympathy, calling Carter the “driving force” of the 1979 accord. But the Chinese internet went much further, calling him “Meirengzong” or “the benevolent American,” giving him a title once reserved for emperors.

Carter’s first meeting with China was in 1949, when the country was in the final convulsions of a bloody decades-long civil war.

As a young US naval officer, his submarine unit was sent to Qingdao in eastern China. They were supposed to help the Kuomintang troops, who were repelling the communist siege of Mao Zedong’s army.

Just a few kilometers behind enemy lines was a Chinese commander named Deng Xiaoping.

When they finally met decades later, it was as the leaders of their countries.

Former US President Richard Nixon and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger laid the groundwork for courting then-Mao China. Since Beijing and Moscow were at loggerheads, they sensed an opportunity to distract their Soviet ally.

But that effort came to a head with Carter — and Dan — pushing for deeper ties. For months, the US president has been sending trusted negotiators to secret talks with Beijing.

The turning point occurred at the end of 1978. In mid-December, the countries announced that they would “recognize each other and establish diplomatic relations from January 1, 1979.”

The world was surprised and Beijing delighted, but the island of Taiwan, which had long relied on US support against Chinese claims, was crushed. Carter remains a controversial figure there.

Previously, the US recognized only the government of Taiwan, which China regarded as a renegade province. And for years, US support for Taiwan has been a stumbling block in negotiations.

The move to recognize Beijing meant that the US finally recognized China’s position that there is only one Chinese government – and it is located in Beijing. This one China policywhich to this day is a cornerstone of US-China relations.

But the U-turn raised inevitable questions about the U.S. commitment to its allies. Concerned by Carter’s decision, Congress eventually forced legislation codifying his right to provide Taiwan with defensive weapons, thus creating a lasting controversy in US foreign policy.

Historians nevertheless agree that 1979 marked an extraordinary series of moves that reoriented global power: it not only united the United States and China against the Soviet Union, but also paved the way for peace and rapid economic growth in East Asia.

But Carter would not have been able to do this without a special relationship with Deng Xiaoping. “It is a pleasure to negotiate with him,” Carter wrote in his diary after spending a day with Deng during his January visit, according to Deng biographer Ezra Vogel.

“They were both common sense, and there was actually a lot of similarity in their simple personalities,” said Dali Young, a political science professor at the University of Chicago. “There was something really unique between the two men that really established trust.”

Deng Xiaoping survived three political purges under Mao and became one of China’s most significant leaders. Historians credit his foresight, self-confidence, openness and sharp mind in no small measure for this important diplomatic victory.

He sensed the opportunity Carter offered, Vogel writes, both to disrupt Soviet power and to begin the modernization that had begun in Japan, Taiwan, and even South Korea. He knew that without US help it would slip away from China.

According to Chinese reports, Deng’s visit to the US began with a warm first meeting at the White House, where he smiled as he revealed his Qingdao connection to Carter. He was upbeat as the two shook hands in front of cameras in the Rose Garden, saying: “Now the peoples of our two countries are shaking hands.”

Over the next few days, Dan organized a blistering offensive against the Americans, visiting several states with Carter. In one famous image, Dan is smiling while wearing a cowboy hat at a Texas rodeo. “Dan Shuns Politics, Becomes a Texan,” read a headline in the local paper.

According to Vogel, Carter described Deng as “smart, tough, smart, open, courageous, personable, confident, friendly.”

He later wrote in his diary that the trip was “one of the wonderful experiences of my presidency … everything went well for me, and the Chinese leader seemed equally pleased.”

“Carter was really the catalyst for what was more than a diplomatic rapprochement — it was a dramatic signaling moment,” said Orville Schell, director of the Asia Society’s Center for US-China Relations, who in 1979 covered Dan’s trip as a journalist.

“He introduced Deng to the country and, in fact, to the whole world. It turned what was controversial into something very relatable. The way Carter and Dan interacted, it was a signal that it was possible for both peoples to put history aside and start a new relationship.”

Under Carter, China received “most favored nation” trade status, which helped boost its economy and create jobs. During the year, trade between the two countries doubled.

Over the next decade, China became an important trading partner not only for the US but for the entire world, which was “extraordinarily important” for China’s growth, Professor Yang noted.

Carter’s relationship with China continued long after his presidency ended.

In the 1990s, his nonprofit group, the Carter Center, played a significant role in the birth of Chinese democracy, observing rural elections, training officials and educating voters at the invitation of the Chinese government.

Unusually for a former US president, Carter has returned to China several times for personal visits. On one trip, he and his wife, Rosalyn, helped build shelters for victims of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake.

His commitment to humanitarian work, his humble background as the son of a peanut farmer, and a “people’s style” that differed from the formal public personas of Chinese leaders endeared him to many Chinese, according to Professor Yang: “He will be seen as a role model a leader not only in rhetoric, but also in actions.”

“Wherever he traveled in China, people expressed their warm feelings for him… The Chinese people liked him very much for his courage and honesty,” said Dr. Liu, a senior adviser to the Carter Center. He accompanied Carter on several trips, including the 2014 tour, where he was honored by local officials and universities.

A fireworks show was held in Qingdao on his 90th birthday. In Beijing, Deng’s daughter held a banquet and presented a gift – a copy of the first page of the 1979 Renmin Zhibao communique. “Both were moved to tears,” recalls Dr. Liu.

This was to be his last visit. As US-China relations have strengthened, so has Carter’s relationship with the Chinese leadership, especially since Xi Jinping came to power.

Ahead of his 2014 visit, top government officials instructed universities not to sponsor his events, prompting a last-minute scramble to change the venue. – noted Carter.

A state dinner hosted for him at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing was sparsely attended, Mr. Schell recalled. Notably, it was hosted by then-Vice President Li Yuanchao, while Xi was said to be hosting another high-ranking guest elsewhere in the complex.

“He didn’t even come to tip his hat to Carter. That really showed the state of the relationship,” Mr Schell said. “Carter was very angry. Two of his assistants told me that he even wanted to leave early because he felt disrespected.’

The Carter Center’s China operations were eventually wound down, and the website they maintained to document the village elections was taken down. No clear explanation was given at the time, but Dr Liu attributed it to China’s growing suspicion of foreign organizations after the 2010 Arab Spring.

While Carter has said little about the scorn publicly, it would feel no less poignant given how much time he has spent advocating for the engagement.

It also raised questions about whether his human rights approach to China was ultimately justified – he described it as “patience” but others criticized it as soft-pedaling.

Carter often “went to great lengths … not to stick a finger in China’s eye on the issue of human rights,” Mr. Schell noted. “He was bracing himself even when he wasn’t there because the Carter Center had a real stake in the country.”

Some believe that his decision to cooperate with Communist China was the birth of American sincerity at the time. After the brutal chaos of the Cultural Revolution, many Americans were in disbelief – how could the Chinese live in furious isolation?’ Professor Yang said. “There was a real desire among American leaders to really help.”

Others say that in an attempt to build support against the Soviets, the US set a course for the rise of China and ended up creating one of its greatest rivals.

But these actions also benefited millions of Chinese, helping them lift themselves out of poverty and — for a time — expanding political freedom at the local level.

“I think all of us of that generation were children of engagement,” Mr. Schell said. “We hoped that Carter would find a formula that would gradually lead China to a comfortable relationship with the US and the rest of the world.”

Towards the end of his life, Carter became more concerned about the growing mistrust between the US and China and often warned of a possible “modern Cold War”.

“In 1979, Deng Xiaoping and I knew that we were promoting the cause of peace. As today’s leaders face a different world, the cause of peace remains just as important.” he wrote to the 40th anniversary of the normalization of relations.

“(Leaders) must embrace our belief that the United States and China must build their future together, for themselves and for humanity as a whole.”