Syria’s minorities seek safety as the country builds a new future

Entering Mezzeh 86, a working-class neighborhood in western Damascus, we were waved through a checkpoint manned by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) fighters.

The buildings are neglected and in need of repair.

The region is dominated by people from Bashar al-Assad’s Alawite sect, an offshoot of Shia Islam whose members make up one of Syria’s largest religious minorities.

Alawites have controlled power in the predominantly Sunni country during the Assad family’s 50-year rule, holding top positions in the government, army and intelligence services.

Many in the community now fear reprisals following the ouster of the Assad regime by rebels led by HTS, a Sunni Islamist group that was once al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Syria.

Dozens of Alawites we contacted by phone refused to talk to us, many saying they were scared.

In Mezzeh 86, the presence of HTS fighters at the checkpoint did not appear to be a source of alarm.

Many Alawites came and spoke to us – trying to distance themselves from the Assad regime.

“During the Assad regime, the stereotype about Alawites is that they got all the opportunities to work and that they are rich. But in reality, most Alawites are poor, and you will find only one among a thousand rich people,” said Mohammad Shaheen, a 26-year-old pharmacy student.

“Even when HTS went to the Alawite villages near the coast, they found that all the villages were poor. Only the Assad family has accumulated wealth,” he added, referring to the Alawite center in the west of the country.

Hassan Dawood, the shop owner, chimed in: “We were his slaves – drivers, cooks and cleaners.”

There is also a feeling of betrayal.

“Bashar was a traitor. And the way he ran away was cowardly. He should have at least reached out to the people and told us what was going on. He left without saying a word, which made the situation chaotic,” Mohammad said.

But people from the Alawite community and even from this area did serve in Assad’s brutal security forces. Are they afraid of reprisals against them, we asked.

“Those who were in the army and did bad things ran away. Nobody knows where they are. They are afraid of retaliation,” said Thayer Shahin, a construction worker.

“But people who don’t have blood on their hands, they didn’t get scared and stayed.”

Several reprisal killings have been reported in some parts of the country, but there is no evidence yet that they were carried out by HTS.

“So far we’re fine. We are talking to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and they are respectful. But there are people who are not from HTS, but pretend to be, who are threatening. They want our society to collapse and they are the ones we fear,” Mohammad said.

After taking control of Damascus, HTS and its allies said those members of the ousted regime involved in torture and killings would be brought to justice, although it is not yet clear what form that justice will take.

HTS also said that the rights and freedoms of religious and national minorities will be protected.

The group has a jihadist past from which it has distanced itself. But it has an Islamist presence, and many are asking what that will mean for Syria’s pluralistic society.

“I am very happy because the Assad regime has fallen. It’s like a dream come true. Nobody wants to live under a dictatorship. But there is concern. I have to be realistic,” said Yusef Sabag, a Christian lawyer.

“HTS is here now and they are an Islamic militia. That’s what they are. I wish, I pray, that they are a modern Islamic militia.’

“I’m not just speaking as a Christian, many Syrians, Muslims and all, we don’t want Syria to become another Afghanistan, we don’t want to become a new Libya. We have already suffered a lot.”

Syria’s Christian community is one of the oldest in the world, and the country is home to some famous holy sites.

When the uprising against Assad began in 2011, Christians were initially wary of taking sides, but eventually members of the community fought on both sides of the conflict.

Homs Archbishop Jacques Murad told the BBC last week that three meetings had already taken place with HTS and they were able to express their views and concerns frankly.

For now, these signs are encouraging to many Christians.

Bars and restaurants serving alcohol are open in the Christian quarter of Old Damascus and in other parts of the city. Christmas decorations are also in many places.

At a restaurant in the Old City, we met a lawyer, Uday al-Hayat, who is a Shiite Muslim.

“There is no doubt that there is anticipation and anxiety. The signs coming from HTS are good, but we have to wait and watch,” he said.

“It is impossible to know the opinion of all Shiites, but there are concerns about a scenario similar to Libya or Iraq. However, I believe that Syria is different. Syrian society has been diverse for a very long time.’

We drove about 110 km (70 miles) southeast of Damascus, through black volcanic hills, to the town of Suwayda, home to most of Syria’s Druze population.

The Druze faith is another branch of Shia Islam, but has its own unique identity and beliefs.

Many Druze were loyal to the Assad regime, which they believed would protect minorities.

But opposition grew steadily during the war, and in recent years there have been frequent protests.

The last one began in the central square of Suweida in August 2023 and continued until the day the regime fell.

Activist Wajiha al-Hajar believes the protests were not violently dispersed like others in Syria because Assad wanted to show the world and his foreign allies that he was protecting minorities.

“They really tried to suppress our protest, but in a different way – not with weapons or shelling, but by depriving us of our passports and civil rights, access to official documents. It became difficult to leave Suwayda, a sort of siege was imposed,” she said.

Hundreds of people gather on the square every day. When we visited, it felt like a holiday. Songs were played from the loudspeaker, and young girls and boys performed gymnastics, families clapped and cheered for them.

“We celebrate the fall of the regime, but this gathering is also a demonstration of strength. In case there is an extreme regime with extreme laws, we are ready to stay in this square and demand our rights and equality,” Wajiha said.

Suwayda enjoyed quasi-autonomous status under Assad, and the Druze want that to continue.

This is just one example of the diversity and complexity of Syrian society and the challenges facing the country’s new government.

Additional reporting by Amir Peerzada, Lin Al-Saadi and Sanjay Ganguly