As the Chinese spectacle shows the danger of Trump’s trade policy

On Wednesday, on Wednesday, the military force of the People’s Republic of China was exhibited in a parade, which celebrated the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II.

Thousands of miles, in the White House in Washington, Donald Trump paid attention.

“They hoped I was looking and I was looking,” he said.

The US president did not spoke in detail about his thoughts about a large -scale celebration, divorced on Tiananmen Square, except that it was “very impressive”. China’s message – Trump and the world – however seems quite understandable.

The world has a new and growing center and a new alternative to the American Order of the last century.

Trump’s remarks during a meeting in the Oval Cabinet with Polish President Karala Novoroka, also on Wednesday, shed little light on this issue.

They have become the culmination, usually in the last few days. It was a combination of ambivalence, resentment and concern.

During an interview with Podkosta on Tuesday, Trump was unprotected, stating that he was “not concerned” about the Chinese show in front of Putin, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and more than two dozen other heads of state.

By Tuesday evening, however, he observed the truth on his social website that China did not give US loan for support in World War II.

“Please give my warmest wishes to Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong -un if you are a conspiracy against the United States,” he wrote.

Above the conspiracies, Trump has a soft place for parades and demonstrations of military force. He welcomes Putin on Alaska last month With the flight of stealth -bamov and a red track outlined with US military aircraft. He admires the memories of visiting the Bastille France Day during his first presidential term. And he held his own military parade Two months ago, celebrate the 250th birthday of the US Army in Washington.

Unlike the smooth reflection in Beijing high -tech arms and accurate march, Trump’s parade was restrained by the worship of America’s military history, since the Trump of the Second World War and the era of the revolutionary era went carelessly through the Constitution avenue near the White House.

At the heart of its nostalgic case, which belongs to Trump’s back appearance, “make America again a great” and its economic policy, based in the 19th-century mercantilism, when Trump often insisted that America was on the biggest.

Of course, the parade of China – while dripping with futuristic weapons – also suggested a historical story – an attempt by the communist government to make claims for a greater role in the victory of fascism and imperialism in World War II. When this conflict has started the so -called “American Age”, Beijing may hope that new respect for its role can smooth the transition to the Chinese future.

“This is the first step in the agreed efforts to rewrite the rules of the road,” said Richard Wilki, a veterans’ secretary during Trump’s first presidential term. “And you do it first, rewriting the story.”

He added that Chinese nationalists and US forces had much more in common with Japan’s Asian defeat than the Communist Army.

The parade was not the only image that came out in China this week when US politicians intend to maintain international order under the leadership of the United States, however.

On Monday, Si and Putin huddled with the Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi at the economic summit in Tianzin -indicates that frosty relations between China and India may largely thaw the heat that caused the Trump’s tariff policy that have been particularly affected by two countries.

Donald Trump’s forecast “America First” has moved into global trade into the economic and political alignment of the world, and the obvious new ties between Chinese, Russia and India have given a powerful illustration of how some of the biggest works in the geopolitical puzzle may unite in difficult but not completely unproductive ways.

Trump, of course, views tariffs as an integral plan for the protection of the American industry and obtaining new income for the federal government. If there is a diplomatic price, it seems to be the one it is – at the moment – willing to pay.

“Koreans, Japanese, Philippines, Vietnamese know that a real threat is not a hiccup in a trade partnership with the United States,” said Wilki, which is a co-chairman of American security in America’s first foreign policy. “The threat is growing Chinese military power.”

Trump was also ambiguous against conflicts and problems far from the US, instead of focusing on the “sphere of influence”, which includes an intense interest in the direct geographical neighborhood in America – Greenland, Panama and Canada.

However, the danger to Trump is that its extensive trading actions may eventually risk and not reward. There is a growing signs that a recently built trade regime -oriented mode can be dismantled in the following days of the US judicial system.

On Friday, The Appeal Court ruled that many of its tariffs were based on a faulty interpretation of the federal law. Trump has promised to go to the US Supreme Court for turning, but while conservative judges dominated by the ward, they often control Trump, they also took a dim view of the presidents who perform new politicians without the obvious permission of Congress. There is no guarantee that the court will support the generous interpretation of Trump’s presidential power.

When it comes to trade, Trump has moved to his bit – taking America at a new dramatic course and creating new international plaques in a matter of months.

This is an ambitious strategy that Trump promises will lead to a second American golden age. But the danger, whether at Tiananmen Square or in the US courtroom, is very real.

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