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Last Friday, Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin met in Alaska at the summit, which was high at pompousness and theatricalization and low diplomatic breakthroughs seeking to end the war of Russia-Ukraine.
On Monday, six European leaders rushed to Washington to meet Trump and evaluate Putin’s consequences. While the collection in the White House was historic, it was also difficult for rhetoric and light on material progress.
Having little to show from two summits, the pressure is strengthened by the president, which made the completion of foreign wars with the key promise of the company. But there were two potentially significant developments.
On Monday, at the White House, Cafab, Trump was open to ensure US security guarantees for Ukraine when the transaction is reached. This is considered by the Ukrainians and their European allies as the most important component to achieve lasting peace.
On Tuesday morning, Trump went a little, saying that the US commitments could entail “air support” rather than US soldiers of Ukraine and that Europe will have to take over most of the weight.
He also said that the “agreements” were made for a bilateral summit between Putin and Zelensky – although the location and details remain a lot in the air – after which it is directly involved in a trilateral meeting with two men.
European leaders also want the ceasefire on the spot before some bilateral meeting that Trump said it was not large.
However, any steps, which, however, are small to direct negotiations, levels of the leader between Zelensky and Putin, is achievement.
The simple fact is that yesterday’s meetings between Trump and Zelensky and the Great Meeting of European Leaders were conducted in a friendly, cooperative way noticeably, given the burnt visit of the White House Zelenski in February, and sometimes the controversial relations with their European counterparts.
Trump seemed to be happy to be a merciful master both in Alaska and the White House, and his comments suggest that he perceived the war in Ukraine as a key to consolidating his heritage.
“If I can get to heaven, it will be one of the reasons,” he said in a television interview on Tuesday.
But the path to heaven is narrow, as they say, and there are still many obstacles to stop the war in Ukraine, not least, which is still unclear that Putin wants the war to end when he is making progress on the battlefield.
The Russian leader may feel that his position is only exacerbated over time and that the best strategy is to slow the negotiations, avoiding new US sanctions that can further damage its economy.
Trump has put the sanctions that probably appeared recently, as two weeks ago, on uncertain content, and he seems to legally think that Putin wants to make a deal.
In private comments to the French President Emmanuel Macron, who was taken away by a live microphone, Trump said as much.
“I think he wants to conclude a deal for me, do you understand it?” said Trump. “Just as insanely as it sounds.”
This may seem mad, given that Putin continued his tireless attacks on Ukraine for almost four years. It may also seem naive. But the US president invests a significant belief in Putin’s good intentions.
Even if Putin is a reliable negotiating partner, if – Trump himself can become a mercury ally. While the meetings at the White House were smooth, he used to make studs in American foreign policy, and he could do it again. In the last eight months, his views on Zelensky have grown between a sharp critical of support.
A peace that depends on American assurances cannot be a firm basis on which you need to build. Sometimes the unscrupulous efforts of European leaders on the magnificent Trump with praise on Monday hinted at their concern about his sometimes exuberant character.
“I think that in the last two weeks we probably have made more progress in ending this war than we have in the last three and a half years,” said Finnish President Alexander Stub.
The rushing trip of Europeans to Washington was designed for Putin’s sandwich to limit his ability to influence Trump’s thinking.
In addition to key players, there is another voice factor in Trump’s decision -making process – its political base that makes it “America’s first”, non -Iron rhetoric.
Any security assurances, any obligations of military resources or any new foreign commitments that Trump may consider receiving a peaceful deal may be considered by his supporters.
In June, it was not easy, and it was only one night. A more permanent US commitment to Ukraine at a time when a large segment of the nation will prefer to focus within, can put Trump in a difficult position – the one he may prefer to completely avoid.
Whatever progress, there is still one basic reality that underestimates the participation of the American in the peace process in the following days. Trump may want him to be seen by the world – and history – as a peacemaker. But compared to Europe, Russia or, of course, Ukraine, it has the smallest map during these negotiations.
After all, Trump could just leave the table. The ability to leave too is also a kind of force.
Follow Trump’s second term with the weekly North America correspondent Anthony Zurcher Policy in the US is not caused Bulletin. Readers in the UK can Sign up here. Those outside the UK may Sign up here.