The country is facing a rocky road to the election

This week, thousands of people gathered in the central document, celebrating the anniversary of the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasin’s fall and the promise of a new future for the country.

In pouring rain, the head of the Provisional Government Muhammad Yunus, the leaders of different political parties and activists were united when they represented plans for “New Bangladesh”.

Across the country, people waved the state flag at concerts, rallies and special prayer sessions that indicate that some activists call the “second liberation” of this nation Muslim, consisting of 170 million.

But these fun scenes have not told the whole story over the last 12 months.

Human rights groups say there have been cases of lynching, violence in the mafia, revenge attacks and revival of religious extremism that threaten the country’s journey to democracy.

Meanwhile, the former Prime Minister, who was so entertainingly pushed from the clock from the sidelines of exile to neighboring India, denying her role in death and refusing to return to charges against humanity.

“I think we have a change of regime rather than a revolution. In principle, mizaginia remains intact, male domination remains unopposed,” says BBC Shirin Huk.

Ms Huk headed the Women’s Reform Commission, one of the bodies created by the Provisional Government to bring social and political changes that reflect the goals of the uprising of democracy and pluralism.

In April this year, the 10 -member body presented its report, calling for gender equality -especially over the right of women to inheritance and divorce, called for criminalization of marriage rapes and protection of the rights of sexual workers who are confronted with violence and persecution by police and others.

Next month, Thousands of Islamist Hardliners took to the streets Contrary to the proposed recommendations, saying that they are anti -Islamic and “men and women can never be equal.”

The participants of the rally – led by Hephazate -E -Islam, who has a representative of the temporary government cabinet of advisers – demanded from the deburgent of the women’s commission, and its members punished for submitting these proposals.

Subsequently, the commission did not conduct a detailed public discussion.

“I was disappointed that the Provisional Government did not support us enough when we were subjected to a lot of abuse from Hefazat-E-ISLAM,” says Ms Huk.

Yunus’s office did not respond to a request for a comment.

Activists say the protests were just one examples of how rigid letters – which were pushing for the border during the Hasin’s stay, became hacked.

They also have objected to the fact that the girls play football matches In some parts of the country, women participating in commercial advertising activities, and in some cases pursue women in public because of how they were dressed.

But these are not just women who wore the main burden. Last year, Hardliners also gathered dozens of shrines like Sufi Muslims.

But, even when people such as Ms Huk look to the future, Bangladesh is still facing their past.

There is a reason for anger against the Avi League government, which is accused of illegal murders, violent disappearances, and severe dissolution.

“You have a huge constituency of people in Bangladesh, who wanted to see not only accountability but also revenge and retribution,” says David Bergman, journalist and long-time observer Bangladesh.

However, he says: “It is impossible to continue the injustice that existed during the Avas League period, and just repeat them in the current period.”

But this happens what happens in the Hasin Avi League. It states that in the last year hundreds of its supporters have been lynch – statements about the Provisional Government denied.

Several journalists and supporters of the League Avi have been imprisoned for months. Their applications for recognizance were repeatedly deviated by the courts.

Critics say there is no thorough investigation over these allegations of murder, and they were in detention only from the previous support of the Avi League.

“It will take time to get stability after a major uprising. We are in the transition phase,” said Islam, a leadership student who, until recently, helped to lead the protests and protested as an advisor to the Provisional Government.

Islam agrees that there are problems facing the country, but rejects the problems of strengthening Islamist influence, saying it is a “part of a broader cultural struggle” that has existed for years.

But there are also signs of progress. Many credited by the government that stabilized the country’s economy and, contrary to fear, the banking sector survived.

Bangladesh fulfilled its debt, retained food prices to a large extent stable and supported reliable reserves for currency currencies – currently 30 billion (22 billion pounds) – thanks to cash and international loans. Exports are also stable.

Then there are other, less measured things.

Islam claims that after the fall of Hasin, “a democratic environment was created, and now everyone can express their views freely.” This is what it should be noted in a country formed in the history of political turbulence, military coups, murder and bitter rivalries.

But this calls into question some.

The influence of student leaders on the Provisional Government has caused criticism. They were given a role in recognizing their leadership in unprecedented protests who overthrew Hasina.

Today, two remain in the office, and critics say that some contradictory decisions, such as a temporary ban on Avas, have been made under pressure from students.

“The government sometimes fulfilled some populist requirements, especially students, fearing that otherwise more threatening protests could break out. However, it was an exception, not the rule,” Mr. Bergman says.

Meanwhile, the exile leader from the Avi League claims that the party supporters are silent, preventing the next poll – most of its leaders in exile or in prison.

“The elections will not be inclusive without the League League,” says BBC Mohammad Ali Arafat, a former minister in the office of Hasina.

In the last report Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) said there was an alarming growth in the mafia While extrajudicial killings and death were kept last year.

“We have an authoritarian regime, but if we do not stop the end of the authoritarian practice, we cannot create a new Bangladesh,” said Iftechar Zaman, TIB Executive Director, said during the report earlier this week.

As Bangladesh stands at the crossroads, the next six months will be critical.

Some claim that if there are no significant changes in the checkered political system, the victims of the dead in the uprising may be meaningless.