President Eritreis Isaiaas Afroka: Three decades one leader

After the new generation of reform African leaders, the Eritrea president, who recently noted 32 years in power, has long summoned expectations.

Now Isaas Afroki spends most of his time in his rural residence on a dusty slope about 20 km (12 miles) from the Osmar capital.

Since the Cabinet has not met since 2018, all power flows through it, and, as a powerful, it receives a number of local officials and foreign dignitaries.

It is also a magnet for ordinary eritreans who in vain hope that Isais can help them in their problems.

The 79-year-old guy has never encountered the elections in the three decades, and soon changed little.

But in the 1990s everything looked very different.

Isaas was 45 years old when, as a rebel leader, his Eritrean Liberation Front (EPLF) won Ethiopia in 1991. Those who fought in the war were remembered every year on the day of the martyrs, June 20.

High and charismatic, he inspired hope for both home and abroad.

In 1993, after official independence, Isais appeared on the international stage as the head of state for the first time.

It was in Cairo, where he attended the Continental Leaders summit, he secured the older generation of African leaders, “who wanted to remain in power for decades.”

He promised that Eritrea would never repeat the same old unsuccessful approach, and promised a democratic order that would be at the heart of the social and economic development of his people. His position won him from the Eritrets and diplomats.

Isaos, who goes to the euphoria of the early years of independence and using a luminous international reception, sought closer relations with the West.

In 1995, inviting the Eritrean leader to the oval office, US President Bill Clinton expressed his gratitude for the strong start of the country on the way to democracy.

Eritrea has just begun to draw up a new constitution, which is expected to establish the rule of law and the democratic system.

Isais was to become a “transitional president” until the constitutional government was elected. The new constitution was ratified by the installation of the meeting in May 1997.

But just as the Eritrets and the world were waiting for the national elections in 1998, the war between Eritrea and neighboring Ethiopia began with the controversial border.

Isais was accused of using the war as a justification to postpone the election indefinitely.

He promised a multi -party democratic system, and his determination was checked after the peace agreement was reached in 2000.

Several of his ministers of the Cabinet of Ministers, including former close friends and arms comrades, began to call for reforms.

In an open letter issued in March 2001, a group of high-ranking state officials, who later became known as the G-15, accused the president of abuse of his powers and becoming more autocratic. They called for the implementation of the Constitution and national elections.

Since the mid -1990s, the Eritrets tried some freedom, and new newspapers that carry critical votes – including from the ruling party, which were renamed the People’s Democracy and Justice (PFDJ).

The Transitional National Assembly decided when the election is being held, the election commission is formed, and the proposed laws on political parties.

The country seemed to go on a slow path to democratization.

However, this fragile opening closed dramatically in September 2001, while the world’s attention was focused on the September 11 attacks in the United States.

In one morning, the authorities closed all independent newspapers, silently silenced by critical voices. Many editors and journalists were detained and never seen again.

At the same time, the government arrested 11 of the G-15, including three former foreign ministers, the Chief of the Armed Forces and several members of the National Assembly. Them wasn’t seen or heard since then.

The hopes of many eritreians were spoiled.

But Isais has already departed from the introduction of democratic changes.

“I never intended to participate in political parties,” he said in April 2001.

“I do not intend to participate in a political party, and in the future I will not intend to participate in a political party.”

He also called the democratic process as a “mess”, saying that PFDJ “was not a party. This is a nation.”

For many, it became clear that the president would not allow democratic reforms to take over.

Silence of critics and inability to hold elections, received his status and his country.

However, his supporters say he was unfairly oriented by the Western peoples and praised it as a symbol of national liberation.

In 2002, he unofficially dissolved the transition meeting, which was to prosecute and essentially did the same with the ministers’ office in 2018.

Some old ministers who do not have real powers now lead weak state bodies, and several ministries – including defense – are left without ministers.

Many are asked why the independence hero accepted such a repressive turn.

Abdel Odem, a former regional governor and senior ambassador, says that Isais never believed in democracy and has always been obsessed with power. According to Mr Abdella, who now lives in exile, he headed the EPLF with an iron fist before independence.

“He systematically weakened and removed leaders with state legitimacy and struggle that could challenge his power.”

To some surprise, in May 2014, Isaas announced the plans of the new constitution, later stated that the Constitution, ratified in 1997, was “dead”. But the progress has not been made since then.

The proposal to write a new constitution may have been caused by an attempt to coup senior military officers in 2013.

They introduced tanks into the capital and seized control over national television and radio stations for several hours.

Realizing that the attempt failed, they tried to broadcast a call for the implementation of the 1997 Constitution and release political prisoners. But security forces pulled the plug.

Many officials – including Minister Ming, Governor, Diplomats and General, were detained. The leader of the coup killed himself to avoid arrest.

Zerazla Schiker, a former diplomat, resigned his post in Nigeria and appealed to the UK asylum. Later, his chief, Ambassador Ali Omer, a veteran of the war, was detained and remained without taking into account.

Governments that close people like “such as Isais Afreki do not allow true political and social institutions or the rule of law,” says Mr. Zeraslazi, who is now a candidate of science at the UK University of Lida.

“The immediate suspension of the Eritrea Constitution and the destruction of state institutions in the presidential department must be understood in this context.”

Isais isolated internationally, Isais came out of the global scene. He stopped attending summits such as the UN General Assembly and the African Union Meetings.

According to the World Bank’s estimate, the country’s economy is “fighting”.

“Economic activity is limited by underdeveloped infrastructure, limited competition from state domination and strict control over imports,” the authors said, adding that the financial sector remains “weak”.

Isaias himself acknowledged the problems in an interview with state television last December.

“The economy of existence will not bring us anywhere. We are currently not in a better position than in many other African countries in this regard,” he said.

Isais also refuses humanitarian aid, referring to the fears of addiction, which undermines its principle of “independence”.

For many eritreians, especially young people Daily life is a nightmare. Under the repressive regime, they face the future with little hope or freedom.

Disappointed with the lack of political progress and depleted by forced recruitment and state violence, many risk avoiding freedom.

Over the past two decades, hundreds of thousands have fled, crossing the deserts and seas to find a safe shelter. Currently, the Eritrets are the third most prevalence of nationality, which will receive refugee status in the UK.

In his speech on Independence Day, last month, Isais did not hint of any changes that many Eritrets hope to see. It was not mentioned about the Constitution, national elections and release political prisoners.

At the same time, there was no specific plan to turn the economy in the country.

Despite criticism of the house, President Isaas maintains support among the populations, especially in military, party networks and those who view it as a symbol of national independence and resistance against foreign intervention.

The president also has strong support among some in the diaspora, who believe that the Western states will be able to undermine the rigid independence of Eritrea.

As the disappointment grew in Eritrea, Isaas retreated from Osmar in 2014 to his home, which came out on the Platini Halllo, whose construction he carefully ruled.

As Isaye approaches 80, many are afraid of what can happen next.

It was reported that a clear attempt to educate his eldest son was blocked at the 2018 cabinet meeting unless further meetings were held.

But there is no obvious plan of continuity and reliable opposition in the country, which could replace the current regime, leaving many to find it difficult to imagine the future without Isaiah.

“The president’s office is what keeps the country from the collapse,” Mr. Zeraslazi warns.

During the Easter vacation, Isaiah was noticed as kissing the cross during a church Mass in Osmar. Some believe that he is looking for spiritual redemption, others hope that he can release political prisoners.

So far, Isais remains firmly controlled, while the Eritrets continue to wait long and disturbing.