Yoon Suk-yeol’s arrest causes controversy in South Korea

Tears, horrified screams and shocked faces: this was the reaction among supporters of ousted South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol outside his home when they learned he had been arrested.

It was a a moment that had been weeks in the making – since the last attempt to arrest Yun on January 3 failed after a dramatic confrontation.

Still, when news of his arrest broke on Wednesday morning, it appeared to only create more uncertainty – and highlight divisions in a country already deeply polarized by Yun’s short-lived martial law and parliamentary impeachment.

“This country is in crisis,” said one woman supporting Yun, tears streaming down her face. “Since last night, I have been praying for a stable and peaceful South Korea.”

It’s what both sides say they want, but they can’t agree on how to achieve it.

For the past month, the defiant Yoon, 64, holed up in his presidential compound in central Seoul as his supporters and detractors gathered outside. They turned Yongsan in central Seoul into an epicenter of protest, where tensions often ran high.

Hundreds of them camped out overnight on Tuesday as arrest seemed imminent in temperatures that dipped to -8C. The only thing they shared were food trucks that kept them warm with drinks and instant noodles.

Yoon’s supporters battled the police – 3,000 strong – who had gathered to take him into custody. “Don’t call us stupid far-right,” shouted one protester, reflecting frustration in Yun’s camp.

A completely different scene unfolded on the other side of the street. Yun’s opponents, who had long called for his arrest, celebrated with chants and cheers.

Their joy only further angered Yun’s camp, with some shouting: “Don’t make fun of us – it’s not funny.”

The gulf is not limited to this corner of Yongsan. It hung over the whole country for more than a month.

Yun’s shocking declaration of martial law on December 3 almost immediately divided public opinion into two camps.

While some saw his claims as a threat to the country, a larger group saw the move as an opportunistic abuse of power. Such sentiments were reflected even in Yun’s party, as several of its lawmakers voted for impeachment.

The growing opposition to Yun’s actions cast a pall over the nation.

The season at the end of the year is usually bright in South Korea. But this year is markedly different. Political upheavals – together with the devastating Jeju plane crash December 29 – created a restrained and gloomy atmosphere.

Yun himself has largely avoided the public eye since his impeachment by parliament in mid-December.

He never left his residence to meet his fans. He sent them a note on New Year’s saying he was “following (them) closely via YouTube live”. He skipped the first impeachment hearing on January 14, delaying the process.

He had previously refused to comply with repeated subpoenas as part of a criminal investigation into sedition charges, leading to an arrest warrant.

He released a video statement on Wednesday saying he would cooperate with the Corruption Investigations Office (CIO) to avoid “bloodshed”, while arguing that their arrest warrant had no legal force.

It was a massive operation that followed a warning from the IT director that the presidential security service could also be arrested if it tried to block Yoon’s arrest again. Unlike last time, the information director and the police managed to detain Yoon, although it took hours of negotiations.

As soon as he left the presidential residence, the streets around it began to empty. The protesters dispersed, the police barricades were removed.

Some of Yoon’s supporters have gone to the CIO’s office, where he is being interrogated. Another warrant is needed to detain him for more than 48 hours.

While Yun’s arrest ended the security standoff, it did not end the rift that exists far beyond in South Korea, which in recent decades has become the world’s leading economy and a beacon of democracy in Asia.

“The arrest of the country’s leader does not even make sense,” said one of the participants of the protest near the presidential complex.

A dissenting voice objected: “The execution of the arrest warrant is a necessary step – Yun was trying to undermine democracy in the country.”

Yoon himself continues to question whether the IT director has the right to arrest him – his lawyers say no, because the rebellion is not a corruption charge. But the CIO says the insurgency is a form of abuse of power – an allegation it is their remit to investigate.

What may appear to be a legal debate has veered deep into political territory, with both sides seeking to control the narrative.

The swift impeachment of Yun’s immediate successor, Prime Minister Han Dak-su, has already led to accusations that the impeachment is being used as a political tool against Yun’s allies. And Yun’s impeachment trial, which began this week, has created even more uncertainty.

Public attention will focus on what, if any, statements Yoon makes while he is in custody or on trial.

I fear that no matter what comes next for Yun, the polarization that has come to define South Korean politics will remain.